何为媒体民粹主义?

#研究分享#【何为媒体民粹主义?】媒体民粹主义是一种源自媒体自身、独立于民粹主义运动的独特民粹主义现象,一些媒体使用意识形态和话语元素,构建并维护内群体,敌视精英,意图规避代议制民主制度,依靠领袖魅力及与群体相关的常识,诉诸于道德情感,常用煽情、个性化及夸张直率的话语。

【文章说明】“分享”选译自文中部分段落,如需深入了解,请参读原文。

【文章全文】Media Populism: A Conceptual Clarification and Some Theses on its Effects

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In recent years, populist parties have been successful in elections in a variety of countries, or at least they have reached considerable levels of popularity. It may be assumed that the rise of these movements has been facilitated or even initiated by supportive or indirectly beneficial media coverage. However, in this article, we will not elaborate on the relationship between the media and populist politics, as this type of connection has already been analyzed (cf. Meyer, 2006; Stewart, Mazzoleni, & Horsfield, 2003). We rather focus on media populism as a distinct phenomenon: populism among the media themselves and independent of any relationship to populist movements. Media populism may then parallel that of the respective political movements and may seek strategic alliances with them; however, at times, the politics of populists in the political system may also run counter to the interests of populist media, so that it seems more opportune for them to distance themselves from political movements. Media, then, may be opposed to populist parties while actually using populist strategies themselves, for example when populist movements are forced to compromise (Stewart et al., 2003).

The phenomena that will be subsumed under the concept of media populism as proposed here may be familiar to many. Some authors have even used that expression to grasp them, albeit in a rather intuitive

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way (e.g., Mazzoleni, 2003). In order to clarify the concept, we can draw on the existing literature on populism. By identifying populism also in the field of the media, new opportunities for analyses present themselves: By subsuming phenomena in different fields under the same category, both commonalities and differences become visible, comparisons and generalization are possible, and an analysis of the relationship between the phenomena thus categorized imposes itself. However, we will only make tentative suggestions as to these options, concentrating on the concept of populism, particularly of media populism, and on its effects.

We will most of the time vaguely refer to ‘‘the media,’’ whereby some of them come closer to an ideal type of (media) populism than others. Media populism is therefore a matter of degree or typicality, not a common feature shared by all media. We do not intend to speculate on the institutional and organizational backgrounds of media populism, on the question where media populism as a strategy or attitude is exactly located or crafted within the media, and thus on the causes and aims of media populism, but we would like to present a phenomenology of media populism as to its public appearance. We narrow our focus by mostly concentrating on the classical mass media and similar online platforms (in societies with sufficiently free media).We would like to define ‘‘media’’ as the (mostly collective) actors within the institutional or organizational structure surrounding channels or platforms of mass communication, not as those channels themselves.

The concept of media populism

We define media populism as the use of the abovementioned stylistic and ideological elements by some media, viz. the construction and favoritism of in-groups, hostility toward, and circumvention of the elites and institutions of representative democracy, reliance on charisma and (group-related) commonsense, and appeal to moral sentiments (thus on an emotionalizing, personalizing, and ostentatiously plainspoken discourse).

We assume, as already indicated above, that media populism not only consists of the adaptation to the assumed attitudes of the audience, but refers to their collective character: the assumption that attitudes are shared supposedly at least by a nonelite (whether or not this construction is de facto attuned to the interests of some elite). However, it should be clear from the above discussion that populism is more than the construction of a climate of opinion or participation of nonelite actors, and that more indicators are needed to grasp the ideological aspects such as undifferentiated antielitism and criticism of democratic institutions or representatives, references to an in-group (not just ‘‘the people’’ as the democratic sovereign), and positive evaluations of charismatic leadership.

【文章作者】Benjamin Kra¨mer

【文章来源】Communication Theory 24 (2014) 42–60 . 2014 International Communication Association

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